Thanks Craig!
Tactless, yes. Ungrateful - never.
Newmark's Door posted a link to this blog yesterday, and bluematter registered 200 visitors in a single day.
Thank you.
Tactless, yes. Ungrateful - never.
Newmark's Door posted a link to this blog yesterday, and bluematter registered 200 visitors in a single day.
Thank you.
Alex Tabarrok has a brilliant post on trade and the moral community - the moral community being the people whose welfare you most care about, or alternatively the people who determine the laws and policies that govern your life.
Define 'moral community' on a continuum and add a dynamic dimension on top, and Alex's model provides a complete theory of the political economy of trade liberalisation. A must read.
This is an issue close to my heart, and a testament to how the rise of 'litigation culture' is threatening to wipe out our civilisation (well, maybe I'm exaggerating here, but fun levels are certainly taking the plunge).
Thanks to the excellent Overlawyered for the pointer. The Daily Telegraph story is here.
The Harvard Crimson has an interesting piece on Harvard Prof. Claudia Goldin (thanks to Greg Mankiw for the pointer). Goldin, who has dedicated a significant part of her research career on documenting and explaining gender wage differentials, makes some interesting observations:
Equivalent men and women, who go to the same college, graduate from the same law school, get the same job after graduation—we see them ten years later, the guy’s making a gazillion and the woman is in a small practice making maybe 60 percent as much.
Why is that the case? Most likely, she made a conscious decision to shift into a smaller practice that didn’t have 80-hour work weeks to combine family with career and to do it in a way that was satisfying. Now, why not her husband?
There are still discrimination cases that we find in the newspapers that outrage us. That women working for some accounting firm are doing the same job and being paid less. I think it’s less so now than it was, possibly because we became, as a nation, far more aware that this is not just wrong but it is illegal.
In the spirit of my previous post, the former president of the World Bank James Wolfensohn comments on the 'anti-globalisation' protesters:
When you see someone outside a barricade attacking you vehemently because of something called globalization, you have to wonder what it is they're getting at. It enrages me when you have people who assume they have the moral high ground against a team of people here who are devoting their lives to addressing the very questions that these people claim to be addressing.
The Summers memo was written by Lant Pritchett and signed by Lawrence Summers when the latter held the position of Chief Economist at the World Bank. While intended for internal consumption, it was leaked to the media and sparked a fury of protest amongst environmentalists and the general public; the then Brazilian Secretary of the Environment Jose Lutzenberger labelled it a 'concrete example' of 'the arrogant ignorance of many conventional 'economists' concerning the nature of the world we live in'. Summers himself discounted it as an 'ironic aside', and claimed that the published excerpt was taken out of context.
DATE: December 12, 1991
TO: Distribution
FR: Lawrence H. Summers
Subject: GEP
'Dirty' Industries: Just between you and me, shouldn't the World Bank be encouraging MORE migration of the dirty industries to the LDCs [Least Developed Countries]? I can think of three reasons:
1) The measurements of the costs of health impairing pollution depends on the foregone earnings from increased morbidity and mortality. From this point of view a given amount of health impairing pollution should be done in the country with the lowest cost, which will be the country with the lowest wages. I think the economic logic behind dumping a load of toxic waste in the lowest wage country is impeccable and we should face up to that.
2) The costs of pollution are likely to be non-linear as the initial increments of pollution probably have very low cost. I've always thought that under-populated countries in Africa are vastly UNDER-polluted, their air quality is probably vastly inefficiently low compared to Los Angeles or Mexico City. Only the lamentable facts that so much pollution is generated by non-tradable industries (transport, electrical generation) and that the unit transport costs of solid waste are so high prevent world welfare enhancing trade in air pollution and waste.
3) The demand for a clean environment for aesthetic and health reasons is likely to have very high income elasticity. The concern over an agent that causes a one in a million change in the odds of prostate cancer is obviously going to be much higher in a country where people survive to get prostate cancer than in a country where under 5 mortality is 200 per thousand. Also, much of the concern over industrial atmosphere discharge is about visibility impairing particulates. These discharges may have very little direct health impact. Clearly trade in goods that embody aesthetic pollution concerns could be welfare enhancing. While production is mobile the consumption of pretty air is a non-tradable.
The problem with the arguments against all of these proposals for more pollution in LDCs (intrinsic rights to certain goods, moral reasons, social concerns, lack of adequate markets, etc.) could be turned around and used more or less effectively against every Bank proposal for liberalization.
Investing should be more like watching paint dry or watching grass grow. If you want excitement, take $800 and go to Las Vegas. - Paul Samuelson
Robin Hanson thinks so.
Judge Learned Hand (arguably the bearer of the coolest name in legal history) was of a different opinion:In the movie Bubble, a woman visiting a man's room waits until he goes to the bathroom, and then searches for cash, which she finds and keeps. Abstractly I understand why someone might do this, but I would feel completely ashamed to do it. It is not just that such theft is uncommon or illegal, or that I had a connection to the victim; I would feel ashamed even if it were legal, if most everyone did it, or if the victim were a stranger. And I suspect most people feel this way.
I feel the same strong sense of shame about tax loopholing - the act of working to find a way to present myself on my tax form so that I pay less taxes. The very idea revolts me, and I just can't bring myself to do it. But here I seem to be unusual - most people I know seem proud to find better tax loopholes.
Any one may so arrange his affairs that his taxes shall be as low as possible; he is not bound to choose that pattern which will best pay the Treasury; there is not even a patriotic duty to increase one's taxes[. . . . ]
How much would a pound buy you in 1850? What was the inflation rate in 1266? What's been happening to the Dow Jones Industrial Average since its inception?
MeasuringWorth answers these, and more, questions.
Abuse of statistics is a favourite past-time of the press. Moreover, the same cliches keep coming up again and again. Courtesy of BBC Sport, here is one of my favourites:
Boxing promoter Frank Maloney reckons it [Ultimate Fighting Championship] will have "15 minutes of fame", yet it is the fastest-growing spectator sport in the United States.
With the current Presidential election on course to becoming the most expensive in history, campaign finance is a hot topic again. I am no expert, but these are the main issues as I understand them:
1. Owing to their ability to make higher contributions, rich individuals and corporations disproportionately influence the political agenda and government decisions. On the other hand, small contributions by individuals are seen as beneficial, as they promote wider participation in the political process.
2. The bulk of campaign spending is socially wasteful, closely resembling an arms race. If there was a way to bring total spending down in a universally accepted manner, everyone would be better off.
3. The main approach in the UK and the US to rectifying problems 1 & 2 above is legislation that imposes more transparency (parties have to declare the contributions they receive) coupled with restrictions on the amount of money an individual or organisation can donate.
Here's a different idea. Why not tax campaign contributions to the extent they are deemed to be socially undesirable? I propose instituting the Undue Influence Tax (UIT), to be introduced as part of the 'Invigorating Democracy Act' and waged on individual donations (and to give it an extra bit of harmless spin, it should be paid by the political parties rather than the donors). It will start at 0% of the value of the contribution, jumping to 30% after the first $5,000 or so, 50% after $10,000 and reaching 95% beyond $50,000.
This will make 'buying' political influence much more expensive - and as we know, when the price of a good rises, quantity falls. It will increase the relative value of small contributions, making candidates reach more to 'the people', rather than the wealthy and large corporations. Suitably calibrated, it can rectify all the actual and perceived ills of the current campaign finance framework.
Furthermore, the UIT is a tax-man's dream. It could become the most popular tax in history, as it only affects a small number of citizens, while clearly contributing towards a greater public good - 'giving power to the people'. The revenue obtained should allow for cuts elsewhere in the tax system or increased spending on public services. There is no need for additional bureaucracy - parties already have to declare contributors' names and donations. Whatever the rate, avoiding the tax is an option only for candidates with a political death-wish. Finally, it can be introduced gradually and fine-tuned to desirable levels , without generating any distortionary behavioural effects.
I'm sure the membership of the (carbon) Pigou club would approve.
Tyler Cowen (and the Economist Free Exchange) wonder why there's a shortage of small denomination coins in Italy. Here is Thomas Kaminski's letter to Tyler that sparked the debate:
There doesn’t seem to be enough currency in small denominations in circulation. Wherever I buy something, the merchant or cashier seems to ask for smaller bills or coins. Back home in Chicago, if I go into a Starbucks, I don’t give it a second thought if I give the cashier a twenty dollar bill for a $2.50 purchase. They always have plenty of change. Here, even in some supermarket chains, the cashiers constantly ask for exact change or at least for notes in smaller denominations. And when I go to a museum, they often seem to have no change at all... My wife, who is not as familiar with the currency as I am, says that she hates carrying any bill larger than a 10; she constantly gets dirty looks or has to endure sighs of frustration if she tries to buy a cup of tea and doesn’t have small change. And you should see the complications if you try to buy something from a street vendor and don’t have exact change.